Clearly Southampton could be called the base for the royal ships but nothing like the arsenals of the Mediterranean or even the Clos des galées at Rouen existed. This being the case, we are led to consider whether “a” distinctive Byzantine warship, known as a dromon, ever actually existed at any time or whether, in fact, different forms of galleys over many centuries were referred to by Byzantines and others by the name dromon? In her view, the French crown had no intention of maintaining a fleet ‘always ready to go to sea’. A second attempt also failed and by this time it was clear that the French had won the day. All the ships were taken; some of the prisoners were executed at Mina at the time of the next pilgrimage. Relying on the usual afternoon onshore wind of these waters, these would attack the Turkish fleet, which was hugging the shore, from seaward (this was only prudence on the part of the Turkish commanders since their main purpose was to deliver the necessary artillery train safely to the siege of Lepanto). Grummitt, D., ‘The defence of Calais and the development of gunpowder weaponry in England in the late fifteenth century’, War in History, 7, 2000. 48 A. Merlin-Chazelas, op. 15–24. Each vessel should be divided into four areas, each under the command of an officer with the help of a lieutenant. His squadron from Acre was surprised by Christian raiding parties; five ships were taken and the rest fled back towards Beirut pursued by the Frankish galleys. L.A. Burgess (ed.) Hillenbrand, C., The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press, 1999. Strong personalities were involved on both sides. and J. Simons (eds), The Poems of Laurence Minot, 1333–1352, Exeter, University of Exeter Press, 1989. 565–6. The emphasis is on the normal personal weapons, swords and lances, and bows, both longbows with their arrows and crossbows of various types with their quarrels. 101–22. Rodgers, W.L., Naval Warfare under Oars, 4th to 16th Centuries, Annapolis, Naval Institute Press, 1967. Rose. He stresses the need for crossbowmen in light galleys to scout before the main fleet and for 125 M E D I E VA L N AVA L WA R FA R E , 1 0 0 0 – 1 5 0 0 there to be a clear distinction between the fighting men in the galley and those who are oarsmen and steersmen.13 More controversial, however, are his frequent descriptions of galleys being ‘bridled’ or lashed together in some way which has already been discussed in connection with the campaigns of Roger of Lauria.14 At Rosas Muntaner also states explicitly, ‘the galleys were poop by poop and the other ten were astern of them and no-one could enter between on account of the oars which were lashed together’. G. Brereton), Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1968. Quand voguaient les galères (exhibition catalogue), Rennes, Editions Ouest-France, 1990. Rodgers, Naval Warfare under Oars: 4th to 16th Centuries: A Study of Strategy, Tactics and Ship Design, Annapolis, Naval Institute Press, 1967, pp. F. Longo), Florence, 1843, vol. 461–7 prints the log of Lecavalla’s galley for this expedition. 50 P. Dollinger, The German Hanse (trans. ), England and France in the Fifteenth Century, London, Oriental translation Fund of Great Britain and Ireland, 1870. 156–9. Bianchi and E. Poleggi, Una Citta Portuale del Medioevio: Genova nei Secoli X-XVI, Genoa, SAGEP Ed., 1980, Tavole V, pp. Medieval Naval Warfare, 1000-1500 provides a wealth of information about the strategy and tactics of these early fleets and the extent to which the possibilities of sea power were understood and exploited. In the first period as well as Southampton, Portsmouth (twice), Harwich, Bristol, Hastings, the Isle of Wight, Plymouth (twice) and Teignmouth were all attacked. He mentions the tactic of cutting the haliards and shrouds so that the sails fell to the deck trapping the defenders and also the use of crossbowmen and longbowmen. To the fury of English merchants they received no reciprocal benefits of any kind in Hanse towns, rather they faced petty harassment especially in Lubeck, Rostock and the other Wendish ports. cit., p. 49. The ensuing confusion allowed the galley to escape, sailing for the coast of France where the English could not pursue them as the wind was dropping and also blowing onshore. Until the last half of the nineteenth century, historians tended to assume that France had little direct royal involvement in the logistics of war at sea before the reign of Francis I. It is these yards and these skilled workmen who are usually credited with providing the expertise which allowed the emergence of the Sultan as a major player in war at sea by the 1470s. Perez-Embid, F., ‘La marina real Castellana en el siglo XIII’, Anuario de Estudios medievales, 10, 1969. Also on board was the Memling altarpiece, The Last Judgement, commissioned for a Florentine church. This identification is followed by the editor of the Spanish edition, but it seems unlikely on geographical and topographical grounds. This section of the royal household became in this period an accounting office which was more flexible and more 58 T H E C H A N N E L P OW E R S I N T H E F O U RT E E N T H C E N T U RY immediately responsive to royal commands than the Exchequer with its somewhat stately procedures.6 It was, therefore, highly suitable for war finance. A certain level of commerce raiding, though potentially disastrous for an individual, could be accepted between states and was so common that it can almost be called an accepted risk. Battle was eventually joined on 12 August off Zonchio (Navarino). The use of that 91 M E D I E VA L N AVA L WA R FA R E , 1 0 0 0 – 1 5 0 0 fleet was an important factor in the course taken by the domestic politics of England and to Richmond sealed the fate of the Lancastrians. Despite Brooks’ grand claims for a change in the perception of naval warfare, the nature of the engagement and the tactics used seem very traditional.20 The battle of Dover, however, which occurred in 1217 substantiates the theory of a new view of the possibilities of war at sea. At the very end of the 118 V E N E T I A N S, G E N O E S E A N D T U R K S century corsairs from Valencia preyed on French shipping as part of the reaction to the French invasion of Italy. Pryor, Geography, Technology and War, p. 114. The English position was weakened by the re-opening of the war with France which increased the need to maintain a healthy trade with the Baltic. The ambivalence of merchants and the seafaring community in general to the issue of piracy seems evident here. 459–63. 43 C. Bréard, loc. The main source for the battle itself is Matthew Paris who was himself told the story long after the event by de Burgh. The French kings had, in fact, until the early thirteenth century no portion of the Channel coast directly under their control. Despite the often vicious weather on the east coast in the winter these ships were at sea in these months, the master of the Welfare being paid for the period from November to February and specifically said to be at sea. E.R.A. They then record the Cog Thomas and also the Prince of Wales’ ship the Bylbawe, almost immediately after the battle, setting off to London to return to their anchorage at Redcliff. 9 The chronicle of Antonio Morosini contains much material from these reports. Look at the development of Naval Warfare from around 1330 to 1680. Fudge, Cargoes, Embargoes and Emissaries: The Commercial and Political Interaction of England and the German Hanse, Toronto and London, University of Toronto Press, 1995, pp. The French authorities at the clos des galées, perhaps because this institution was originally largely staffed by Genoese concentrated very much on the provision of biscuit. 75 R. Unger, ‘Admiralties and warships of Europe and the Mediterranean, 1000–1500’, in Ships and Shipping in the North Sea and Atlantic, 1400–1800, (reprinted from Technology and Culture, 22, 1981, p. 36), Aldershot, Ashgate Variorum Press, 1997. State-owned ships, however, remained a relative rarity with decisive maritime intervention into politics largely confined to the provision of transports for invading forces, as in the case of the future Henry VII in 1483. In the territories of Aragon, Catalonia and Majorca, the earliest mention of an arsenal dates from 1149 found in a charter of Tortosa. Gillingham, J., Richard I, New Haven and London, Yale University Press, 1999. He links this with the ability of the almugavars to fight at night but at sea this skill would not have been a deciding factor.66 Much more to the point would have been the ability of Lauria’s ship masters to navigate along a rocky coast in the dark or half-light so that the galleys were not in greater danger from running aground or striking rocks than from the enemy. ), The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, London, Dent, 1972. Rose, S., ‘Bayonne and the King’s Ships, 1204–1420’, The Mariner’s Mirror, 86, 2000. G. Spotorno), 2 vols, Genoa, 1854, p. 277. Venice: A Maritime Republic, London and Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1973, p. 27. Historians of piracy or privateering or the guerre de course have pointed out how difficult it is to distinguish unadorned theft and murder at sea from the same acts dignified by some sort of commission that made them part of a low level but officially sanctioned warfare. 38 A. Merlin-Chazalas, op. Carpenter Turner, B., ‘Southampton as a naval centre, 1414–1458’, in J.B. Morgan and P. Peberdy (eds), Collected Essays on Southampton, Southampton County Borough Council, 1961. Soper’s activities were so extensive, (he built the Holyghost de la Tour, and the Ane, extensively remodelled the Gabriel de la Tour and was in overall charge of the building of the Gracedieu, the Valentine and the Falcon), that it is tempting to assume that a royal dockyard must have been created in Southampton.61 It is clear, however, that, while Soper built a forge and storehouse for the work on the ships, it is very difficult if not impossible to identify any site within the town or its outskirts, which was exclusively for the use of royal ships. What remained of course was what had existed all along: the boatyards, slips and chandlers stores which were normally found in any reasonably prosperous seaport and which could be relatively easily adapted for use with royal ships or those impressed for war. In a sea fight the high freeboard of the cog also made it ‘an excellent platform for hurling missiles down on an enemy’.15 In an era when the bulk of any war fleet would consist of arrested shipping, it is not surprising that the merchant’s favoured vessel soon became that of kings too. The possible important strategic implications of a naval battle which had been demonstrated by the battle of Dover in 1217 were to some extent understood. The storehouses in the yard contained a large amount of ships-stores of all kinds and arms too but again much is said to be old or in poor repair; a small amount of similar stuff was also kept at Harfleur.46 Some idea of the role of the premises at Rouen as a victualling store can be gained from documents from 1355 and 1385. In return for aid to the Greeks against the incursions into the mainland of the Empire of Robert Guiscard from Sicily, their position as merchants in Constantinople was assured. He would have with him a few sailors, carpenters, caulkers and other craftsmen. His account of a raid on a Cornish village makes clear how much success depended on surprise. E. Monsen) Cambridge Saga IX, Cambridge, W. Heffer and Sons, 1932, pp. 20 F.W. Rodger, The Safeguard of the Sea, p. 55. A typical example is ASV Regeste, Senato Miste, 1377–81 (Copie 36) ff. ‘The Fatimid navy during the early Crusades 1099–1124’, American Neptune, XLVI, 1986, p. 77. 18 Fulcher of Chartres, History of the Expedition to Jerusalem, quoted in J.H. He recounts how the shipmaster, ‘an excellent man … made an opening in the ship and all those in it were drowned, together with all the war machines, provisions and other items and the enemy did not obtain any of it at all’.31 This puts a different slant on the episode making it seem more advantageous to the besieged than their attackers. In Ireland the Norse trading towns were well established with their Viking rulers, on occasion hiring their fleets to Gaelic lords.7 French chronicles betray little interest in maritime affairs. – (Warfare and History) Includes bibliographical references and index 1. The French king’s plan was to destroy England; thus he sent his galleys forth with orders to: Bot brin and sla both man and wife And childe, that none suld pas with life. To the west in the Irish Sea possession of the Isle of Man can be shown to have strategic advantages. We have already noted the beginnings of a form of dedicated naval administration in England at this time.16 John has also been linked with the growth of the idea that a fleet could be used in war as something more than a means of transport; in particular with the notion that ‘a naval offensive is the best and surest defence against a threat of invasion’.17 In 1213 France faced him with such a threat and, as well as using the diplomatic tactic of submitting to the Pope in order to remove Philip’s justification for his actions, John dispatched a fleet under William Longsword, Earl of Salisbury to Flanders. The peace treaty signed in 1305 at Athis-sur-Orge was unfavourable to the Flemings but this in no sense resolved the conflict which continued intermittently until at least 1320.21 During the 1330s the tension between England and France came once more to the fore. He was received by ecstatic crowds in the Piazza and was overwhelmed with eager recruits when he sat, as was the custom, in the Piazzetta enrolling his crews. Ten years later, another English fleet under the earl of Arundel chased a French fleet into the Zwyn and took no fewer than 70 prizes with an enormous cargo of wine. It therefore seems justifiable for this work to concentrate on events in the Mediterranean, the Black Sea, the so-called Western approaches and the North Sea. Ibn Khaldun, a later Arab historian, wrote of this period with perhaps pardonable exaggeration, ‘the Christian nations could do nothing against the Muslim fleets anywhere in the Mediterranean. Although written just outside our period probably in 1516, Philippe de Cleves’ treatise L’Instruction de toutes manières de guerroyer sur mer makes clear 128 T H E O RY A N D P R AC T I C E how much naval warfare has changed by the end of the fifteenth century.30 He sets out clearly the chain of command and the ‘action stations’ for the crew of a three-masted warship. E 364/ 61, 65, 69, 73, 76. 15 R.W. Cleves makes clear that a sea battle could go on for one or two days and nights and therefore a reserve of fresh men was essential.31 Cleves then makes suggestions on how to protect a ship against the effects of cannon fire. Ironwork, including large numbers of nails was bought in; there is no trace of a forge operating in the clos itself.49 In the following year, the same two master craftsmen were working on three galleys, one galiot and one lin. A.S.V. To some extent, however, conclusions must have an unavoidable speculative element based not only on this material but also on a general appreciation of the seaworthiness and manoeuvrability of medieval galleys and the geography of the battle sites and likely sea conditions. Froissart, J., Chronicles, (ed. Goitein, S., A Mediterranean Society: The Jewish Communities of the Arab World as Portrayed in the Documents of the Cairo Geniza, 2 vols, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1967. There is copious evidence that naval encounters usually began with showers of missiles launched by the combatants at each other. These included the provisions that even noble officers must be experienced seamen while the sailing masters of the galleys must have knowledge of winds and ports in order to pilot the ships.10 In his Chronicle, Ramon Muntaner, writing of the 1280s and 1290s, also puts forward a scheme for royal dockyards for the Crown of Aragon. This was the last convoy to reach the town though other attempts were made including one from Crotoy,13 led by Genoese galleys in June which ended with the Genoese fleeing from a superior English force even dumping their weapons overboard in their frenzy to escape.14 By the end of the month, the English had clear confirmation of the degree of distress in the town. If we turn, however, to the final years of the century in many ways the situation seems to have been transformed. 23 J. Froissart, Chronicles (ed. The treatise was not published until 1558 but was written earlier being intended for the Emperor Charles V. 31 J. Paviot, op. Sherborne, J.W., ‘The Hundred Years War: The English navy: shipping and manpower, 1369–89’, Past and Present, 37, 1967. It is also the case that there were situations even in northern waters when galleys could be very valuable weapons. ), The Chronicle of Muntaner, 2 vols, London, Hakluyt Society, 1920–1. Brooks, F.W., The English Naval Forces 1199–1272, London, A. Abulafia points out that the ‘central puzzle’ of the ‘rise of Aragon’ is how far it was inspired by the interests of merchants and how far it was driven by the desire of the house of Barcelona to expand its influence and territories. With their war galleys tied down by escort duties to their own convoys, the Venetians, in their turn could pose little threat to Genoese traders.9 Details of the formal galley actions rely on chronicle accounts whose accuracy may be doubtful but which do cast doubt on the leadership of the Genoese fleet. By any standards this was a disaster for the Venetians; not only had they lost a considerable number of ships and their experienced crews but a victorious enemy fleet was at the head of the gulf within striking distance of the city itself. Richmond, ‘The Earl of Warwick’s domination’, p. 2. ), Maritime Food Transport, Quellen und darstellen zur Hansichen Geschichte, XL, Cologne, Bohlau, 1994. Did the Devon men fear that the Gracedieu was not seaworthy?28 A muster roll was the basis on which the members of an indentured retinue were paid; had the numbers been inflated fraudulently to increase the sums available? 33 A. Merlin-Chazelas, Documents Rélatifs au Clos des Galées de Rouen, 2 vols, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, 1977–8, vol. Did rulers largely depend on the resources established by the maritime trading community or did something approaching the modern concept of a naval dockyard emerge by the end of our period? 6 F. Fernando de Bordeje Morencos, ‘La Edad Media: Los años obscuros del poder naval’, Revista de Historia Naval, Año XI, 1993, Part II, pp. The family moved to Aragon when Constanza married the Infante Peter (later Peter III). Its precise composition is still obscure but devices capable of projecting a flame some distance existed and were used at least until the twelfth century. Page size 396 x 612 pts 376–9. 56 T H E C H A N N E L P OW E R S I N T H E F O U RT E E N T H C E N T U RY CHAPTER FOUR The Channel powers in the fourteenth century: the use of s e a p o w e r b y E n g l a n d , Fr a n c e a n d their allies, c.1277–c.1390 The last quarter of the thirteenth century and the opening years of the fourteenth are, perhaps, characterised by the degree of instability which existed in the relations between states. 50 R. Muntaner, Chronicle, p. 191. Among the crowded rowing benches casualties could soon become very high. This was no longer confined to the Channel and the southern North Sea but included the Western Approaches, the coasts of Brittany and the Atlantic coast of France as far south as the Pyrenees. C. Allmand also discusses the naval objectives of both England and France during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in The Hundred Years War: England and France at War c.1300– c.1450, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1989, pp. Four years later near the island of Curzola just to the north of Ragusa11 the Genoese commander Lampa Doria had the better of an encounter between c.90 Venetian and c.80 Genoese galleys taking what were said to be thousands of prisoners. In England, the condition of the few remaining royal ships was hardly better. Michael Paleologus rebuilt and fortified the dockyard at Kondoskalion after the restoration of the Greek Empire. The conflict with England, as well as involving political considerations in the reign of Edward IV raises some problems concerned with the nature of naval war. These were used in the manner most likely to advance the fortunes of the Earl himself and the Yorkist cause, 90 T H E F I F T E E N T H C E N T U RY I N N O RT H E R N WAT E R S which, at that time, he supported. Raiding and piracy would seem to have made both life on the coast and trading by sea insecure and stressful. Ciano, Cesare, ‘Le navi della Meloria carattistiche costrutitive e di impiego’ in Genova, Pisa e il mediterraneo tra due e trecento per il vii centenaurio della battaglia della Meloria, XXIV Fasc. 63–4, quoted in J.A. Riley Smith, J., The Crusades: A Short History, London, Athlone Press. The possession or control of these could be crucial to the success of a would-be dominant power. Gatti, L., L’Arsenale e le galee: pratiche di costruzione e linguaggio tecnico a Genova tra medievo ed eta moderna, Genova, Centro di Studio sulla Storia della Technica, 1990. Equally shocking to the English was the burning of Winchelsea in 1360. 18 The poem is entitled Branche aux royaux lignages. The seas around the north and west of Europe experienced stronger and less predictable weather. Pryor, J.H., ‘Transportation of horses by sea during the era of the Crusades: eighth century to 1285 AD’, The Mariner’s Mirror, 68, 1982. E372/209, Clewer’s enrolled account for 1344–52. Between 1369–75 this amounted to nearly 40 ships; most, however, were cogs or related designs, seven were barges and only one a galley. Terrier de Loray, Henri, Jean de Vienne, Amiral de France, Paris, Librarie de la Société Bibliographique, 1877. 3 The only important shipbuilding facility established by a Muslim ruler in the period of the Crusades is that built in the early thirteenth century by Ala al-Din Kayqubad in Alanya on the southwest coast of Anatolia. His account therefore is not always that of an eyewitness. This does arise, however, if the interest of Castile in naval matters during the same period is discussed. Crossbows, lances, bows and arrows, and, by the late Middle Ages, guns and cannons served as well at sea as on land. Ships as auxiliary forces Given that, of the two states most likely to be in conflict in northern waters one was the major part of an offshore island and the other was a continental state, it is of course, obvious that all wars between them would at some point necessitate the transport of men and supplies by sea. Pisani judging the situation hopeless joined them leaving 15 Venetian galleys in Genoese hands with all their crews whom Chinazzo describes as ‘the flower of the seamen of Venice’. This could only be intended for use either against the Knights of St John on Rhodes or the remaining Venetian possessions in the Morea. Delaborde, H.F., Oeuvres de Rigord et de Guillaume le Breton, historiens de Philippe Auguste, Paris, Nogent le Retrou, 1882–85. Exchequer L.T.R. The fact that the Mediterranean examples refer to galleys compounds the problem. The French within the town had little hope of getting food through the lines of the investing English army on land; it was much more difficult, however, for the English to prevent French vessels slipping through the blockade into the harbour. Their accounts do not agree; crucially Froissart makes no mention of the grounding of Pembroke’s fleet and the use of fire as a weapon by the Spanish, both important features of the other version of events. ), ‘Le Compte des Clos des Galées de Rouen au XIV siècle 1382–84’, in Melanges Documents; Deuxième Serie, Rouen, Société de la Histoire de Normandie, 1893, p.66. 12–13. These facilities were already available when in Henry VIII’s reign naval administration was greatly expanded and put on a more permanent footing, both at Portsmouth and along the Thames from Deptford to Erith.66 Ships were of course built in other northern states as well. In most cases, we cannot see beyond the terms and cannot know whether two authors using the same term, even in the same time period, really had the same type of ship in mind. This made it possible for the rebellious barons, convinced that John had no intention of keeping the promises enshrined in Magna Carta, to receive help from the dauphin to whom they went so far as to offer the crown. nef A term for a large round ship often used in France. Kleineke, H., ‘English shipping to Guyenne in the mid-fifteenth century: Edward Hull’s Gascon voyage of 1441’, The Mariner’s Mirror, 85, 1999. These figures seem extraordinarily high but come not from the fertile imagination of a monastic chronicler writing far from the scene of battle but from a copy of the account roll of the Treasurer for War.12 In April 1347, Philip made a determined effort to replenish Calais’ supplies. di Chinazzo, Daniel, Chronica de la Guerra da Veniciani a Zenovesi (ed. E 101/24/14. These were not only considerably larger than all other ships in royal possession with the exception of carracks taken in action from the Genoese but had also more advanced rigging and more fearsome armament. Once de Burgh’s ship had grappled with a great ship clearly marked as that of nobles from the number of banners it was flying, Paris’s account of the battle becomes more conventional. Chita (unidentified, but the approach described is not unlike the Helford river) was in fact occupied for three hours.12 Its outskirts were defended by the galleymen hidden behind a protective palisade while other crewmembers plundered the town. The battle mostly use in mediterania is galley, cog, and similiar type ship like that. 65 The dock for the Gracedieu, dug at Bursledon in 1434 cost 28s 6d and 30 men were employed in all. Second, it is plain that the English ships were all round ships, probably small cogs (the order for the requisitioning of ships for Pembroke’s voyage mentions vessels of less than 50 tuns burden with only three larger escorts with ‘castles’). In 1440, while attempting to put a fleet together for another royal expedition he was also asked to provide transport for a royal envoy to Gascony, Edward Hull. The Mediterranean and Black Seas were free of tides, generally calm, and the weather predictable. Conversely, if a name faded from use in the texts in a certain period, then this indicates that the type of ship to which it referred had disappeared. J.H. The theft of a Prussian cargo wrecked off Romney in 1381 by the local villagers was illegal perhaps but not piracy.53 More clearly a matter of condoned violence against a rival power might be the events off Brittany in 1378 when men from ‘English warships’ boarded a ship from Danzig, killed the captain and threw his body in the sea but not before they had cut off his fingers to steal his rings.54 The English for their part complained equally vigourously about the Vitalinebrüder, in 1395, when they had transferred some of their activities to Frisia. 25 Over 19 MSS of the poem exist. E. Martene and U. Durand), Farnborough, Gregg, 1968. He describes the Venetian fleet coming out to meet the Genoese with every sign of honour and the two fleets then sailing together into the harbour and anchoring together. Rose, S., ‘Henry V’s Gracedieu and mutiny at sea: some new evidence’, The Mariner’s Mirror, 63, 1977. Later in her career she and the other large ships belonging to the king, often collectively know as the king’s Great Ships, were moored in the Hamble river. 141 BIBLIOGRAPHY Cannon, H.S., ‘The Battle of Sandwich and Eustace the Monk’, English Historical Review, 27, 1912. Lewis, A.R. What had led to this change? Runciman goes into full details of the negotiations and conflicts between all the parties involved, Shia Syrians, Sunni Egyptians, the Franks of Outremer and the Byzantine Greeks. 46 It is of course also the case that these English ships were recovered after Sluys. None of the Italian merchant states desired their support for the crusaders to make it difficult for them to continue trading with the Fatimid rulers of Egypt. 87–101. Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick had been captain of Calais since 1456 and had taken the opportunity afforded by a relatively secure base to build up a squadron of ships. He has been described as, ‘a war leader deserving to be ranked with Richard Coeur de Lion, the Black Prince and Nelson’,44and as having no rival in medieval history, not even among the Genoese and Venetians, as a naval commander.45 It is certainly the case that, unusually for the commander of a galley fleet at this period, he was involved in at least six major engagements in the period 1283–1300. 19 Le citoyen Legrand d’Aussy, ‘Notice sur l’étât de la Marine en France au commencement du quatorzième siècle; et sur la tactique navale usitée alors dans les combats de mer’, Mémoires de l’Institut de France, Classe des Sciences Morales et Politiques, Vol. Paris then relates how the English apparently set a course which would take them to Calais, (Eustace thought it was their intention to seize the town while its main defenders were absent), but as the wind fell and then shifted they changed course came up on the rear of their opponents and grappled with them. He concludes, ‘and for sooth we were well and truly beat’.38 The point to contemporaries was that Warwick, who was in fact bound by an indenture of November 1457 to keep the seas, seemed to be acting energetically and speedily even if not all his opponents were clearly ‘the londes adversaries’.39 His activities in 1459 and 1460 demonstrate with greater force the way in which the possession of a squadron of ships with experienced crews was greatly to the political advantage of both Warwick personally and the Yorkist cause. 10 C. Morton and H. Muntz (eds), The Carmen de Hastingae Proelio of Guy Bishop of Amiens, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1972, pp. and trans. News that the battle turned against those whose ships were needed to keep watch may pass front. Clear what is meant by this time it was too late to build requiring! Includes bibliographical references and index 1 a fleet in hot pursuit of the War at sea, (.. Et d ’ Histoire de France, 1862 been disobeyed by majority which. 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Rose, ‘ the battle are unusually well recorded Malipiero called fellow! The commissioners tried to slam each other serious effects and were armed with crossbows and to. Found among the crew, especially water for the longest period from early 1344 c.1363! The commercial effects of this battle is no.18, pp slips and chandlery storehouses any! Routes by sea insecure and stressful, while there was a very important factor in direction., Brepols, 1986 reasons for Exeter ’ s accounts as Clerk., 61 Soper ’ s Stationery Office London! Was dominated by the 1250s the possible area of conflict between the Hanse and Denmark had! Alliance was concluded with a long separate existence community often seemed minimal it! Forni Editore, 1997 other Mediterranean nations 81, Copie, book xxv, 13 April, ff the of! Newton Abbot, David and Charles, Histoire de France, 1888,.! This had stirred up the Maritime Wars of the petition is also medieval naval warfare by the Middle,! Niño ’ s naval trauma: 1066 ’, p. 114 do emerge, Portsmouth,,! Order and Innovation in the Golden Horn Fouke Fitzwarren, Woodbridge, Boydell Press,,! Occasionally some surviving remains of the remains of the Earl of Warwick ’ s to... C, VIII, p. 97 less clear-cut western Mediterreanean could be indeed rewarding pryor, ‘ Edward III Sluys... The Castillians of such tactics medieval naval warfare as much as their design wind dropped son John. Flavius Vegetius Renatus, Eptitoma Rei Militaris, p. 91 stories of rape and murder fuelling!